1982 Vote Machine Rigging
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Mr. BROOKS of Alabama. Mr. Speaker, this is my third speech in a series. Earlier, I cited constitutional and Federal law mandating that Congress, not the Supreme Court, determines whether to accept or reject State electoral college votes, and Congress, not the Supreme Court, has the final verdict on Presidential elections.
My remaining speeches describe voting system failures that threaten our Republic.
For emphasis, all republics depend on election processes that give candidates and citizens confidence that results accurately reflect voter will. Unfortunately, America's election process has systemic weaknesses that too often allow voter fraud and election theft, and fail America.
Today, I share my personal experience as a voter fraud and election theft target.
In 1982, Democrats dominated Alabama. All Alabama statewide elected officials were Democrats. The legislature had 136 Democrats to only four Republicans. Democrats held every single partisan elected office in Alabama's Tennessee Valley, from Mississippi on the west to Georgia on the east.
In 1982, I ran as a Republican in Alabama House District 18. On election day morning, angry voters called me nonstop about voting machines blocking them from voting for Mo Brooks.
At first, I blew these phone calls off as isolated problems, naively trusting America's election system. That trust was soon shattered.
I am a former prosecutor. After the election, another attorney and I investigated. We questioned witnesses, examined documents, and inspected voting machines.
Our investigation revealed that 11 of 45 voting machines, 25 percent of all voting machines in my district, were rigged to block votes for Mo Brooks. In contrast, not a single machine blocked voting for my opponent or any other candidate on the ballot.
At one voting precinct with five rigged voting machines, poll workers told voters that to vote for Mo Brooks, they had to give up their secret ballot right and sign a sheet on a wall for all to see.
After the election, Democrat officials declared the voting machine problem was possibly caused by jostling in transit that somehow affected me, but nobody else.
My hometown is the birthplace of America's space program. We know math. Mathematically, if there are 26 candidates and a machine blocks one candidate's votes, the odds of that candidate being blocked are 1 in 26. If there are two machines and each block only one candidate, the odds of that candidate being blocked both times are 1 in 26 squared, or 1 chance out of 676 chances.
Similarly, if there are 11 machines and each block a single candidate's votes, the odds that all 11 blocked out Mo Brooks and no one else are a 1 chance in 26 to the 11th power, which equals 1 chance out of 3.6 quadrillion chances. Hence, the probabilities that these 11 voting machines were rigged is an overwhelming 3.6 quadrillion to 1.
So the question becomes: Who rigged the voting machines?
In 1982, Democrats totally controlled Madison County voting machines. I was in a hotly contested race to be the only Republican legislator elected in the northern third of Alabama. I threatened Democrat dominance. I was the potential breach of the Democrat Party dam.
Democrats had motive. Democrats had opportunity. Democrats had control. Democrats rigged the voting machines. Fortunately, despite the attempted election theft, we still won with 57 percent of the vote.
Mr. Speaker, every candidate and every American has an absolute right to an election system that stops voter fraud, prevents election theft, and accurately records only lawful votes cast by eligible American citizens.
As this speech and ensuing speeches will reveal, Alabama's election system is riddled with systemic problems that too often render our official election results unreliable. Each of these election deficiencies must be fixed and eliminated.
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